**A New Chapter in Palestinian Recognition: Symbolism, Statehood, and the Roadblocks Ahead**
Earlier this month, Husam Zomlot, a prominent Palestinian diplomat, addressed an audience at Chatham House, a respected think tank in London. The context was momentous: Belgium had just joined the United Kingdom, France, and other states in pledging to recognize Palestinian statehood at the United Nations in New York. Dr. Zomlot was emphatic about the significance of this turning point, warning that the developments unfolding in New York might represent the final genuine attempt to implement the two-state solution—an idea that envisions Israel and Palestine existing side by side as independent nations. His message was clear: “Let that not fail.”
In the weeks since, that symbolic step has gained even more momentum. Traditionally staunch allies of Israel—including the UK, Canada, and Australia—have now joined the growing chorus of nations extending recognition to a Palestinian state. Sir Keir Starmer, the UK’s Prime Minister, publicly announced the decision in a video, explaining that in light of “the growing horror in the Middle East,” the UK was acting to keep alive the hope of peace and the once-promised two-state solution. He highlighted a sobering reality: “At the moment we have neither a safe and secure Israel nor a viable Palestinian state.”
While more than 150 countries had already recognized Palestine, the inclusion of major Western powers is widely viewed as a watershed moment. Xavier Abu Eid, a former Palestinian official, put it succinctly: “Palestine has never been more powerful worldwide than it is now. The world is mobilized for Palestine.”
**Defining Statehood: The Montevideo Convention and the Palestinian Reality**
Yet, the act of recognition raises thorny questions—most notably, what exactly is being recognized? According to the 1933 Montevideo Convention, four criteria define statehood: a permanent population, a defined territory, a functioning government, and the capacity to enter into international relations. Palestine clearly satisfies the first and last criteria; despite the devastating war in Gaza, the Palestinian people remain, and figures like Dr. Zomlot demonstrate the ability to engage diplomatically. But the picture is murkier when it comes to territory and government.
For Palestinians, their envisioned state comprises three parts: East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip. All three were seized by Israel during the 1967 Six Day War. The problems, however, are glaring on any map. The West Bank and Gaza have been physically separated since Israel’s creation in 1948, and this geographic disconnect has only intensified over time. In the West Bank, Israeli military presence and the spread of Jewish settlements have gradually eroded Palestinian control. The Palestinian Authority, established in the 1990s after the Oslo peace accords, only administers about 40% of the West Bank. Settlement expansion has further fragmented the territory, undermining its political and economic cohesion.
East Jerusalem, which Palestinians claim as their capital, has been surrounded by a belt of Israeli settlements, gradually isolating it from the West Bank. Gaza’s plight is even starker. After nearly two years of war, triggered by the Hamas attacks of October 2023, much of Gaza has been reduced to rubble.
**The Challenge of Palestinian Governance and Political Division**
If the lack of defined borders is a problem, the absence of a unified, functioning government is even more acute. Following a 1994 agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA) was created to oversee Palestinian areas of the West Bank and Gaza. But this arrangement unraveled in 2007 after a violent split between Hamas (which took control of Gaza) and Fatah, the dominant PLO faction (which retained control in the West Bank under PA President Mahmoud Abbas).
Thus, for nearly 18 years, the two main Palestinian territories have been governed by rival authorities—a rift layered atop 77 years of geographic separation. This political division has left most Palestinians deeply skeptical of their leadership and pessimistic about prospects for unity, let alone statehood. The last Palestinian elections took place in 2006. As Palestinian lawyer Diana Buttu points out, “That we haven’t had elections in all of this time just boggles the mind. We need a new leadership.”
The crisis has deepened since the outbreak of war in Gaza. The PA, based in the West Bank